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Last updated: Wednesday, April 23, 2008

 

Kurdish rebels ambush Turkish police (07/27/04)

Iraqi Kurds' fight for 'independence'

By Ahmed Alquni

Throughout recent history, Kurds have fought for their independence.

Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the first world war, the 1920 Treaty of Sevres carved up the Turk's territories among the Allied powers, and created a special autonomous homeland for the Kurds.

Three years later, the treaty was abrogated and replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne, which waived Turkey's right to grant autonomy to the Kurds.

The new treaty decreed the division of the Kurdish region among Turkey, Iraq and Syria.

Currently, some 25 million Kurds - mostly Sunni Muslims - still lack a political or legal status that satisfies their quest for independence. 

History of rebellion

Iraqi Kurds have been subjected to two devastating forms of violence: inter-party feuds and outside onslaughts.

In 1946, the Iraqi Kurdish leader Mustafa al-Barazani founded the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and called for an independent state.

Nearly 15 years later, political aspirations were ignited by the rebellion of 1961 against the central government of Iraq.

The Iraqi president at the time, Abd al-Karim Qasim, promptly crushed the revolt. This highlighted the ongoing struggle between successive Iraqi governments and the Kurds.

Throughout the 1970s, 80s and 90s, Iraqi Kurds staged several major rebellions against the Iraq government – often with US encouragement - only to be left to face the consequences alone once defeated.

In March last year they joined US and British forces to topple president Saddam Hussein's government.

At present, four Iraqi Kurds are members of the interim Iraqi Governing Council (IGC).

Political demands

Recently Iraqi Kurds have accelerated their efforts to fulfil their political objectives in Iraq.

A draft proposal entitled Transitional Law was submitted for review in December 2003 by the four Kurdish IGC members.
 
The proposal states that Kurdish self-rule areas should consist of the four provinces of Irbil, Kirkuk, Dahouk and Sulymanya, as well as the Kurdish areas in the Dyala province.
 
The document asserts that Kurdistan shall have its own flag, insignia and a national anthem. It also demands the recognition of the Kurdish language as an official language, in addition to Arabic, in greater Iraq.

In a statement published in a Kurdish newspaper, KDP leader and IGC member Masud al-Barazani briefed a visiting Arab League delegation in Irbil last December about Kurdish concerns. 

"What the Kurdish people call for is voluntary federalism within a democratic multi-party Iraq where the Kurds enjoy equal rights with, but not subordinated to, the Iraqi Arabs," he said.

Another prominent Kurdish member of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), Nushirwan Mustafa, expressed support for a Kurdish entity within a federal Iraqi republic.

Mustafa said that he believes: "The proper way to build a new Iraq with its multi-ethnic and multi-sectarian character is by agreement on a socio-political and legal contract that would reflect the will of all the people, not the will of the majority, be it ethnic, religious or sectarian."

Among other demands, Iraqi Kurds are seeking a political mandate that will enable them to hold economic, commercial and cultural agreements with foreign countries.
 
The proposal further advises that regional Kurdish laws should supersede central government laws and that any central laws that were not approved by the Kurdistan parliament should not be valid in the Kurdistan region. 

Moreover, Kurds in Iraq have sought to attain full control over the natural resources of their provinces, including oil-rich areas in the city of Kirkuk.

The draft proposal called for abrogating all the decrees and laws made by the previous Iraqi government, aiming at altering the ethnic composition in Dyala, Kirkuk, Mosul, Salahadin and Irbil, where Kurds are the majority.

 

Iraqi Kurds signed up to the new
interim constitution 

 

Constraints to federalism

Under the current political situation in Iraq, there are already signs of resistance to the Kurdish draft proposal from various political and religious groups.

Both Sunni and Shia religious figures have rejected Kurdish attempts to divide the country into what they describe as "federal entities".

"We all belong to one country," Mugtada al-Sadr, an influential Shia leader, told his followers during a Friday prayer sermon.

"The north cannot be separated from the south because we are all Iraqis, the Arab is an Iraqi and the Kurd is an Iraqi," al-Sadr said.

Sunni figures have also expressed the same message of opposition to the Kurdish proposal.

In an attempt to diffuse the tension caused by the Kurdish proposal, IGC member Adnan Pachachi told reporters: "In principle, we have accepted the federalism proposal, but the details have to be discussed and clarified during the writing of the Iraqi constitution."

According to the London-based Al-Hayat newspaper, the US wants to keep the status quo in the Kurdish areas until the transfer of power to an Iraqi government is finalised.

This, according to the Kurds, would further complicate their situation.

Analysts argue that it would be difficult to ignore the present political structures in the Kurdish areas, but a decision on federalism should be made by an elected Iraqi government.

One step closer?

On 8 March 2004 the IGC signed an interim Iraqi constitution, declaring it to be "a decisive day in the history of the new Iraq".

Al-Barazani said: "Nobody gets everything they wanted, but there is no doubt that this document will strengthen Iraqi unity in a way never seen before.

"This is the first time that we Kurds feel that we are citizens of Iraq," he said.

The interim constitution enshrines Iraqi Kurds' demands for autonomy in three northern provinces and guarantees minority rights.

For days, the Kurdish population of Kirkuk took to the streets in celebration, although the interim constitution does not rule definitively on the future of their city or Kurdish autonomy.

Observers say that the relevant provisions of the interim constitution do not automatically lead to an independent Kurdistan.

"They are going to have a nasty hangover when they wake up in the morning," a western official told the British newspaper The Guardian, referring to the jubilant Kurds.

"They clearly have not read the new law carefully enough."
 

 

Aljazeera

 

FOR THE United States, a deal with the Turks makes sense, easing the way for a northern front against the forces of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and providing help for securing this volatile region. For the Kurds, however, any deal that includes an extensive Turkish military presence in northern Iraq is unwelcome, even if it is allowed on grounds of preventing a refugee flow into Turkey.

In the Kurdish view, Turkey’s arrival would undermine the de facto independence, in effect since 1991, of 3.5 million Kurds and their armed militias. in effect since 1991. They fear that once Turkish soldiers are in, they will never leave, and that two other neighbors, Iran and Syria, might also invade to protect their Kurd-inhabited border regions.

 “No one should think we are bluffing. There will be conflict,” said Hoshyar Zubari, a top official of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, one of two armed factions that rule the north. “We oppose any unilateral intervention.”
       
HISTORY OF HATRED
       There is a long history of hatred between Kurds and Turks. Turkey has fought a long and bitter conflict with nationalist-minded Kurds within its territory. Bloodshed and decades of efforts to suppress the Kurdish language and traditions embittered Kurds on both sides of the border. Turkish claims on parts of northern Iraq as a traditional homeland for Turkmen, an ethnic Turkish population in Iraq, have also fed fears of a land grab.       

This multi-layered enmity now threatens to become a subplot to an American invasion of Iraq. In effect, two important U.S. allies are devoted enemies. Any conflict between NATO-armed Turks and Kurdish militias could make a U.S. entry into Iraq a messy affair.

Against that background, Turkish officials have demanded that any U.S. weapons given to Kurdish militias in Iraq be rounded up soon after an invasion, to prevent their transfer to Kurds living in Turkey. This is among the final details being negotiated in Ankara between U.S. and Turkish officials. Even as the talks continue, however, the Turkish government announced today that the deal is basically done and will be submitted to parliament Tuesday for a constitutionally required vote.


Turkey has long intervened in northern Iraq to pursue nationalist rebels from its large Kurdish minority. In the past few years, Iraqi Kurds have cooperated with the Turkish army in pursuing the rebels into mountainous refuges. Here in Barmani, a mountain town about 15 miles south of the Turkish border, Turkish troops have occupied a small airfield for six years.
 

About a dozen tanks look out over a deep valley between snow-covered mountains. The armored unit is part of a force of several hundred Turkish troops stationed at four frontier bases with the agreement of the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, the other governing faction. Northern Iraq is off-limits to Iraqi forces, so Baghdad has little say in the matter.

Kurds complain that even these small Turkish contingents have overstayed their welcome. Turkey has all but crushed Kurdish rebellion within its borders. “This has gone on too long. It has negative impact on us,” said Nichervan Ahmed, governor of the northern Dahuk region, of which Barmani is a part.
       Villagers said they are forbidden to gather wood on a steep mountainside above the airfield. “Even a few Turks are here, and we are not masters of our own land,” said Mohammed Salmand, a grocery store owner who lives in Barmani.
 

BLOCKING REFUGEE FLOWS
       Turkey has defended its desire to intervene on the grounds of blocking refugee flows into its territory in the event of war. But Turkish officials also have offered other rationales that alarm the Kurds. They have threatened to invade deeply if, during the expected conflict, the Kurds try to establish an independent state or send in militias to occupy Kirkuk, an Iraqi city the Turks regard as historically Turkish. Kirkuk, whose population includes Turkmen, Arabs and Kurds, is the hub of an oil-rich region still under Iraqi central government control.
       The Kurds have repeatedly said they want to remain part of a united Iraq and will not try to take over Kirkuk. The two leading Kurdish parties belong to a U.S.-backed opposition coalition designed to create conditions for democracy in post-Hussein Iraq. Officials have expressed exasperation that nonetheless the Turks are coming.

“They want to box us in. They say they want a united sovereign Iraq, but they insist they have the right to interfere,” said Ahmed, the regional governor.

Kurds scoffed at the notion that should war break out, Kurds will flee into Turkey as they did in 1991, when Hussein put down a Kurdish revolt after Iraq’s defeat in the Persian Gulf War. The Kurdish administration has been ruling northern Iraq since then and can control the flow in cooperation with the United Nations and other relief agencies, officials insisted.
       “The Turks are trying to force their help on us. No thank you,” said Zubari, the Kurdistan Democratic Party official.
       Kurdish officials said they have been kept in the dark about Turkish plans and whether the United States would command Turkish troops in Iraq. Kurds and Turkish generals met last week inside Turkey to discuss possible scenarios. The Kurds, led by Jalal Talabani of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, tried to convince the Turks that any refugee flow would be small and remain inside northern Iraq. The Kurdish delegation asked for detailed plans about Turkey’s proposed intervention. They received nothing, Kurdish officials said. The two sides are scheduled to meet again Tuesday.
       “The Turks say they are not going to fight Iraqis, so why are they coming?” Zubari said. “It’s a mystery to us.”
       
       © 2003 The Washington Post Company

 

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