Mark Thatcher Mercenaries Equatorial Guinea Active Duty Military Army Navy Air Force Marines Coast Guard Reserves Veterans 

 Active  Duty  

The Star Spangled Banner

Last updated: Wednesday, April 23, 2008

 
Mark Thatcher Admits Role in Eq. Guinea Coup Plot
Thu Jan 13, 2005 04:48 AM ET
       

By Gordon Bell

CAPE TOWN (Reuters) - The son of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher pleaded guilty on Thursday to a role in a foiled coup in Equatorial Guinea under a plea bargain that spares him prison.

The Cape High Court agreed to a deal for Mark Thatcher to pay a fine of 3 million rand ($500,000) or face five years in jail in South Africa, in addition to a further 4-year prison sentence suspended for five years.

"There is no price too high for me to pay to be reunited with my family and I am sure all of you who are husbands and fathers would agree with that," Thatcher said on the steps of the court after the hearing.

He also agreed to assist South African authorities with their investigations into the plot against the government of oil-rich Equatorial Guinea.

Immaculately dressed in a dark suit and gold colored tie, a nervous-looking Thatcher repeatedly said "Yes, I do, Yes I do," when asked in court whether he agreed to the various terms of the deal, which allows him to leave South Africa to join his family in America for the first time in nearly five months.

Thatcher pleaded guilty to attempting to contravene section 2 of South Africa's anti-mercenary laws by agreeing to charter a helicopter, his lawyers said.

Thatcher, who has lived in South Africa for the past eight years, was arrested in Cape Town last Aug. 25 on charges of bankrolling a foiled coup in the oil-rich West African nation.

Equatorial Guinea sentenced 11 foreigners in November to jail terms ranging from 14 to 34 years for their role in the coup plot, and two of its own citizens to 16 months.

Zimbabwe jailed British former special services officer Simon Mann to seven years in September, and jailed 65 other suspected mercenaries, all South African citizens, for 12 months on related charges.

South Africa, foremost in African Union efforts to end wars on the continent, has enacted strict anti-mercenary laws intended to crush an industry that has exported military professionals willing to sell their lethal expertise across Africa.

 

Mark Thatcher arrested over alleged African coup plot

By Chris Marsden
27 August 2004

Use this version to print | Send this link by email | Email the author

The name of Thatcher has assumed political prominence once again, carrying with it a familiar bad smell. This time the Thatcher in question is Margaret Thatcher’s son, Mark, who has been arrested in South Africa after being accused of involvement in an alleged coup.

Sir Mark, who inherited a baronetcy after the death of his father Dennis one year ago, was taken into custody after a dawn raid on his home in Cape Town, South Africa, by the police anti-fraud unit known as the Scorpions. He faces a possible 15 years in prison for allegedly helping bankroll a failed coup in Equatorial Guinea, sub-Saharan Africa's third-largest oil producer with proven oil reserves of 12 million barrels.

Thatcher, 51, was later freed on two million rands (£167,000) bail, but could face extradition to Equatorial Guinea, or prosecution under South Africa’s Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Act that prohibits South African residents from assisting in a coup or military activities outside South Africa. He must return to court in mid-November.

The coup plot also allegedly involves another corrupt Tory bigwig, Lord Jeffrey Archer, who was only recently released from prison after serving a sentence for perjury.

Thatcher’s alleged involvement in the plot to overthrow Equatorial Guinea’s tyrannical President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo—who has declared himself “god” and has ruled the country since 1979—came to light as a result of the arrest in Zimbabwe on March 6 of his neighbour Simon Mann.

Mann is an Old Etonian family member of the Watney brewing empire and a former soldier in the elite Special Air Service. He was one of 64 suspected mercenaries imprisoned after their jet landed in the Zimbabwean capital Harare, apparently to pick up a cache of arms. A total of 89 foreigners, most of them South Africans, are currently imprisoned in Zimbabwe and Equatorial Guinea.

Mann and Thatcher were close friends who regularly dined together. Greg Wales, who has alleged links to the coup plot and is a long-standing friend and former business partner of Mann’s, told the Guardian, “Simon and Mark did a number of business deals together—in mining, and aircraft and fuel brokerage.”

Thatcher is said to have invested over £1100,000 in Mann’s company, Guernsey-based Logo Ltd.

A similar amount is said to have been paid into an offshore account belonging to Mann by Lord Archer. An aide to President Obiang said that Thatcher’s name would be added to Archer’s and those of four businessmen in a legal action being brought by Obiang at the High Court in London for compensation.

President Obiang has also claimed that other leading Tories were involved in the coup plot. He told Jeune Afrique/L’Intelligent that “certain elements also indicate that Thatcher and a former Thatcher cabinet minister whom I cannot name handled the financial planning of the coup.”

According to Mann’s handwritten confession, which his lawyers claim was extracted under duress by the authorities in Zimbabwe, he held a series of meetings in January with potential investors on how they would benefit from replacing Obiang with Spanish-based exiled opposition leader, Severo Moto.

The coup plotters counted on international support for their efforts at a time when global corporations were seeking to tap into Equatorial Guinea’s oil and when the ailing tyrant Obiang was planning to hand over power to his equally unstable playboy son, Teodorin.

Mann was allegedly approached by Moto’s backers to plan a military coup, including the Lebanese oil tycoon, Eli Calil, who is a British citizen and lives in a £12 million home off the King’s Road in Chelsea, West London. Equatorial Guinea’s Information Minister Agustin Nze Nfumu has alleged Calil arranged to pay Mann $5 million to hire a group of mercenaries to oust Obiang.

Mann was a natural choice. In the 1980s he founded the mercenary outfit Executive Outcomes, which was involved in operations in both Sierra Leone and Angola.

If the coup had been successful, its backers would have allegedly been given oil concessions in a state that produces 350,000 barrels a day.

A former South African Special Forces commander who worked with Mann and is accused of participating in the plot, Nick du Toit, has turned state witness and named both Calil and Moto as co-conspirators.

On November 15, 2003, Mann’s Logo Logistics signed an agreement with a group of Lebanese investors in the Asian Trading and Investment Group SAL, which is allegedly linked to Calil and was used to channel funds for the coup attempt. According to the Observer, the Lebanese investors were to provide Mann’s company with $5 million for “mining, fishing, aviation and commercial security projects in West Africa.” Mann also signed an agreement with Du Toit on December 1, which guaranteed financing from Logo Logistics of up to $2 million for “unspecified projects.”

Du Toit also apparently set up a company in December 2003, Triple Option Trading, that was half-owned by three senior members of Equatorial Guinea’s ruling elite and he was possibly used to infiltrate the plot from the outset.

According to Mann’s own written testimony, he met with Moto in Spain in early 2003. Mann says his role was to escort Moto to Equatorial Guinea at the time when “simultaneously there would be an uprising of both military and civilians against Obiang.”

Mann himself is said to have put in $400,000 to cover the cost of a Boeing 727 bought a week before the coup attempt from a firm in Kansas, specially converted for US military use so that it could take off and land on shorter runways.

It is alleged that in February, Mann had flown to Harare to discuss a consignment of arms with officers of the state-owned Zimbabwe Defence Industries, to be delivered on February 20 to the airstrip at Kolwezi in Congo that was under the control of a local rebel leader. A plane would then send the weapons to Equatorial Guinea via Harare, but apparently failed to appear.

Nevertheless, on Sunday, March 7, Logo Logistics’ Boeing 747 left South Africa with 65 soldiers on board, and two packages of cash amounting to $130,000, and landed in Zimbabwe where they were supposed to meet up with Mann, and pick up weapons including 150 hand grenades, 80 60mm mortar bombs, 100 RPG-7 anti-tank projectiles with 10 launchers, 20 light machine guns, 61 AK-47 assault rifles and 75,000 rounds of ammunition. Instead they were arrested. The Obiang regime also announced the arrest of more mercenaries led by Du Toit.

In his televised confession Du Toit claims that he recruited more than 60 veterans of bush wars in Angola and Mozambique, whom he promised $6,000 each if they fought their way into Equatorial Guinea’s capital, Malabo, and removed Obiang from power or killed him.

Mann’s confession states that he met with at least a dozen British millionaires, including some household names. One of these told the press anonymously, “Simon said he wanted around 10 people to each invest about £100,000. He claimed this consortium would share an immediate payout of £15 million once the coup had taken place, followed by profits from oil deals.”

Lord Archer was allegedly one of those approached, and is said to have paid money into an offshore bank account belonging to Mann just four days before the coup attempt fell apart. Legal documents and bank account details are said to show a payment by J.H. Archer, Lord Archer’s initials, made to one of Mann’s companies for $134,980 to an account at the Royal Bank of Scotland in St Peter Port, Guernsey.

Though Mann’s friends insist that his confession was beaten out of him, evidence of his connection with Mark Thatcher and his possible involvement comes from a different source.

Mann attempted to smuggle a letter to his wife, which was intercepted by Zimbabwean and South African intelligence. In the letter Mann pleads for help from some of his influential friends, who he calls “Scratcher” and “Smelly.” Smelly was Eli Calil. Scratcher was Mark Thatcher. The Times quotes the letter stating, “I must say once again: what will get us out is MAJOR CLOUT. We need heavy influence of the sort that ... Smelly, Scratcher”.

According to the Guardian, Mann wrote his wife, “Our situation is not good and it is very URGENT.... They [the lawyers] get no reply from Smelly and Scratcher [who] asked them to ring back after the Grand Prix race was over! This is not going well.”

Mann went on to write in a way that suggests that “Scratcher’s”/Thatcher’s involvement in the coup was direct. He writes, “It may be that getting us out comes down to a large splodge of wonga! Of course investors did not think this would happen. Did I? Do they think they can be part of something like this with only upside potential—no hardship or risk of this going wrong. Anyone and everyone in this is in it—good times or bad. Now its bad times and everyone has to F-ing well pull their full weight.”

He then concludes, “Anyway [another contact] was expecting project funds inwards to Logo [Mann’s firm] from Scratcher (200).... If there is not enough, then present investors must come up with more.”

Mann was clearly expecting Sir Mark to make a $200,000 (£111,000) investment, but he does not specify whether it was for the coup.

The Guardian states that the letter also refers to David Hart, the former Old Etonian millionaire and union-busting adviser to Margaret Thatcher when she was prime minister during the 1984-85 miners strike. It quotes the letter more fully stating, “We need heavy influence of the sort that ... Smelly, Scratcher ... David Hart and it needs to be used heavily and now.”

Thatcher’s lawyer, Peter Hodes, said Sir Mark was arrested on suspicion of providing financing for a helicopter linked to the coup plot and that he would plead not guilty.

Du Toit testified in court on the day of Thatcher’s arrest that Sir Mark had met Mann in July 2003 and shown interest in buying military helicopters for a mining enterprise in Sudan, but he said that the meeting was a “normal business deal” unrelated to any coup plot.

There have been rumours that Thatcher made an investment in Mann’s Logo Ltd company through a South African company called Triple A Aviation, which signed a contract to provide aircraft and aviation services in January. The company, which trades as Air Ambulance Africa, paid $100,000 (£55,000) into Logo’s account on March 2, less than a week before the coup attempt. Niel Steyl, the brother of the head of Air Ambulance, Crause Steyl, is a former pilot for Mann’s Executive Outcomes and was piloting the Boeing that was seized in Harare.

The Guardian states that its sources claim that Triple A also provided the twin-engined King Air turboprop that flew the exiled Equatorian Guinea opposition leader, Severo Moto, from Spain to Bamako, Mali on the eve of the alleged coup attempt.

Mark Thatcher is a chancer, who has accrued a substantial personal fortune largely by trading off his mother’s name and connections.

At the top school of Harrow, where he was known as “Thickie Mork,” he passed only three O levels and made poor A level grades. He failed his accountancy examinations three times, one of a string of failed careers including selling jewellery, racing driving, and entrepreneur.

Nevertheless he has succeeded in amassing a personal fortune in excess of £60 million as a result of various shady deals.

In 1982 he famously got lost in the Sahara desert for six days during the Paris to Dakar rally. But it was his business deals that showed his true mettle. In 1981, Margaret Thatcher secured a £300 million construction deal in Oman for Cementation, a Trafalgar House subsidiary. Her son was accused of receiving payments as an intermediary in the contract. In 1985, he was said to have pocketed £12 million in commissions after his mother signed the al-Yamamah arms deal with Saudi Arabia.

He has also been accused of using a handwritten note from his mother, addressed to the ruler of Abu Dhabi, to secure a profitable deal and of connections with the Pergau dam affair, when British aid was allegedly linked to a £1.3 billion contract placed by Malaysia in Britain.

In the mid-1980s, he moved to the United States where he worked as a representative of Lotus cars and where he married the millionairess Diane Burgdorf. It was as a result of tax investigations following the failure of some of his business ventures that the couple moved to South Africa in 1995.

It appears that Thatcher had returned to South Africa only in order to prepare a secret move to live in Texas. Makhosini Nkosi, a spokesman for South Africa’s National Prosecuting Authority, said, “It does appear that he was planning to leave the country. The house was on the market, he had disposed of some of the cars, and there were suitcases around the house which indicated they were planning to leave. He did confirm he was planning to relocate to Texas.”

Zimbabwe 'tortured coup suspects'

Prosecutors said Equatorial Guinea's Spanish-based opposition leader, Severo Moto, offered the group $1.8m and oil rights to overthrow President Teodoro Obiang Nguema.

Mann admitted trying to order assault rifles, grenades, anti-tank rocket launchers and other weapons from Zimbabwe Defence Industries, but magistrate Mishrod Guvamombe said prosecutors failed to prove their case against the 64 other men arrested when their ageing Boeing 727 landed at Harare International Airport on March 7, and two already in Zimbabwe with Mann at the time.

He also acquitted Mann of an additional charge of taking possession of the weapons. The men, including Mann, maintain they were en route to jobs protecting a mining operation in wartorn eastern Congo.

Fifteen other suspected mercenaries, including South African businessman Nick du Toit who has admitted to giving logistical support to the coup attempt, are on trial in Equatorial Guinea, Africa's third-largest oil producer. They face the death penalty if convicted.

 

Harry Carlse (left) and Lourens Horn waiting to leave Zimbabwe
Harry Carlse (left) and Lourens Horn say malnutrition was rife in jail

Two South African men released from a Zimbabwe prison after being cleared of charges of plotting a coup say they were stripped and beaten in jail.

Harry Carlse and Lourens Horn were among 67 men imprisoned in March for an alleged coup plot in Equatorial Guinea.

Zimbabwean authorities said in April they would probe jail torture claims.

Equatorial Guinea says it is pursuing those it says were behind the coup attempt - including Mark Thatcher, son of former British PM Margaret Thatcher.

The Zimbabwe trial ended on Friday, with former British paratrooper Simon Mann found guilty of trying to buy weapons.

 

The remainder of the men were cleared of the more serious weapons charges but pleaded guilty to aviation and immigration violations.

All those found guilty will be sentenced on 10 September.

Mr Carlse and Mr Horn are now back in South Africa, where they say they expect to face new charges under the country's anti-mercenary laws, Reuters news agency reports.

 

House arrest

Equatorial Guinea has meanwhile said it is seeking an international arrest warrant for those it accuses of being the key figures in the coup attempt - including Simon Mann and Mark Thatcher.


 

But the country's Deputy Prime Minister, Ricardo Mangue Obama Nfube, denied it had asked for the extradition of Sir Mark from South Africa.

Mark Thatcher is currently under house arrest in South Africa after being accused of helping to finance the coup plot.

A lawyer acting for Equatorial Guinea's government had earlier said a request had been made for his extradition.

Shock threat

The South African coup suspects have alleged they were tortured by their captors in Zimbabwe, along with their co-accused.

"I was stripped naked and beaten with a stick," said Mr Carlse. "I slept in leg irons for a week and a half."

He said he had lost a large amount of weight because of conditions inside the prison, where malnutrition and disease were rife.

The men said they were frequently denied adequate food and water and survived on a diet of porridge and cabbage.

"There was physical torture as well as mental torture," said Mr Horn. "They said if we refused to make a statement they would give us electric shocks."

 

Thatcher and a very African coup

Mercenaries' dreams of riches fell apart at Harare airport. Then links to British Establishment figures emerged

Jamie Wilson, David Pallister and Paul Lashmar
Thursday August 26, 2004
The Guardian


Languishing in solitary confinement in Zimbabwe's maximum security Chikurubi prison in March, Simon Mann was getting desperate. The Old Etonian and former SAS officer had been arrested at Harare airport two weeks earlier along with a plane load of mercenaries after landing to pick up a consignment of AK-47 rifles, mortar bombs and 75,000 rounds of ammunition.

The men on board the Boeing 727-100 had allegedly been on their way to mount a coup in Equatorial Guinea, a small, malarial country in west Africa ruled by a tyrant but newly and filthily rich in offshore oil.

Instead of a coup amid untold riches, Mann found himself staring down the barrel of a long prison sentence - or even execution if an extradition request from Equatorial Guinea was successful. So he penned a letter on scraps of paper to his wife and lawyers, demanding that they get people on the outside to exert both their money and influence to get him released.

But by writing the letter - a copy of which has been seen by the Guardian - he linked what had at first seemed to be little more than a doomed Boy's Own adventure in a forgotten corner of west Africa to a coterie of rightwing businessmen with links to the highest echelons of the British establishment.

Scrawled over two plain pages and a scrap of magazine, Mann's letter referred to a contact called "Scratcher" - Mann's nickname for Sir Mark Thatcher, son of the former Tory prime minister and perennially controversial businessman.

When the note was intercepted by the South African intelligence services on its way out of the prison, a train of events was set in motion that led yesterday to the raid on Sir Mark's Cape Town home.

"Our situation is not good and it is very URGENT," Mann wrote. "They [the lawyers] get no reply from Smelly and Scratcher [who] asked them to ring back after the Grand Prix race was over! This is not going well."

But Mann then went on to suggest that Scratcher's involvement amounted to more than using his contacts to lobby for their release.

"It may be that getting us out comes down to a large splodge of wonga! Of course investors did not think this would happen. Did I?" he wrote. "Do they think they can be part of something like this with only upside potential - no hardship or risk of this going wrong. Anyone and everyone in this is in it - good times or bad. Now its bad times and everyone has to F-ing well pull their full weight."

He left what would appear to be the most incriminating detail to last: "Anyway [another contact] was expecting project funds inwards to Logo [Mann's firm] from Scratcher (200) ... If there is not enough, then present investors must come up with more."

While the letter certainly suggests Mann was expecting Sir Mark to make a $200,000 (£111,000) investment, he does not specify whether it was for the coup.

The letter also refers to David Hart, the former Old Etonian millionaire adviser to Lady Thatcher during the miners' strike. "We need heavy influence of the sort that ... Smelly, Scratcher ... David Hart and it needs to be used heavily and now," Mann wrote.

Even the disgraced Tory peer, Lord Archer, has been dragged into the controversy after $134,000 (£74,000) was deposited into Mann's bank account in the name of JH Archer four days before the coup attempt. Lord Archer categorically denied any involvement in the coup.

Ever since the coup plot was alleged at Harare airport on March 7, there have been murmurings about Sir Mark's involvement. He and Mann were close friends who regularly had dinner together, and both owned substantial properties in Constantia, the secluded suburb of Cape Town popular with rich expat Britons.

Mann is a complex character, part buccaneering thrill seeker, part businessman, who left the SAS to make a living fighting wars in Africa. It is easy to see how Sir Mark - whose demeanour would suggest he would like to be viewed as something of an adventurer himself - might be attracted to the former SAS officer.

"Nobody is denying they are close friends - and they have been friends for a long time," Sir Tim Bell, Lady Thatcher's former PR adviser and now informally advising her son, said yesterday. "I have not spoken to him at all at any point since this started about six months ago. He has studiously avoided discussing the issue."

Greg Wales, another man with alleged links to the coup plot and a long-standing friend and former business partner of Mann's, told the Guardian yesterday: "Simon and Mark did a number of business deals together - in mining, and aircraft and fuel brokerage. The police would have found a lot of stuff on these matters."

But it remains unclear what - if any - evidence the South Africans have to tie Sir Mark directly to the coup, beyond Mann's letter. There have been rumours that he may have made an investment in Mann's Logo Ltd company through a South African company called Triple A Aviation, which in January signed a contract with Mann's Logo company to provide aircraft and aviation services.

According to his lawyer yesterday, Sir Mark was arrested on suspicion of providing financing for a helicopter linked to the coup plot.

Banking records show the company, which trades as Air Ambulance Africa from the town of Bethlehem in the Free State, paid $100,000 (£55,000) into Logo's account on March 2, less than a week before the coup attempt was launched. The head of Air Ambulance, Crause Steyl, did not return calls yesterday. His brother Niel, a former pilot for the infamous South African mercenary outfit Executive Outcomes in the 1990s in which Mann was also involved, was the pilot of the ill-fated Boeing that landed at Harare.

According to well-placed South African sources, Triple A provided a twin-engined King Air turboprop which flew the exiled Equatorian Guinea opposition leader, Severo Moto, from Spain to Bamako in Mali on the eve of the alleged coup attempt, in preparation for his triumphant return to power.

Friends of Sir Mark in South Africa, however, claim that he had entered into a completely separate contract with Triple A to provide an air ambulance helicopter for work in Equatorial Guinea. "I don't think he knew what he was getting into," one told the Guardian.

The genesis of the alleged coup plot, according to Mann's own witness statement, began in January 2003 when he was introduced to Eli Calil, a Chelsea-based businessman, in London - a friend and financier of Mr Moto, leader of the Party for Progress of Equatorial Guinea and president of the Guinean government in exile in Madrid.

Mr Calil has denied any knowledge or involvement in the coup and his lawyers have suggested that the written and verbal confessions of Mann and his alleged co-conspirator South African arms dealer Nick du Toit, currently in trial in Malabo, were extracted through torture.

But Mann wrote in his signed statement after his arrest. "Ely Calil asked me if I would like to meet Severo Moto... I met Severo Moto in Madrid. He is clearly a good and honest man. He had studied for the priesthood ... At this stage they asked me if I could help escort Severo Moto home at a given moment while simultaneously there would an uprising of both military and civilians against Obiang ... I agreed to try and help the cause."

Preparations for the coup - money, men, logistics and a suitable plane - were soon set in motion by Mann through two companies based in Guernsey, Logo Ltd and Systems Design Limited. Mann himself sold some of his shares and put in $400,000 to cover the cost of a specially converted Boeing 727 which was bought a week before the coup attempt from a firm in Kansas. Guardian inquiries have established that the aircraft had been converted for US military use so that it could take off and land on shorter runways. It also had a pressurised cargo hold which could be accessed during flight.

The final stages were completed in February. Using his military and arms dealing contacts, Mr du Toit helped to recruit the mercenaries - apartheid-era soldiers in South Africa - and to introduce Mann to the head of the Zimbabwean Defence Industry in Harare for the weapons.

The broad plan, according to Mr du Toit's account, was for the plane to pick up the 64 mercenaries at Wonderboom airport near Pretoria and then fly on to Pietersburg international airport to clear customs for Harare. In Harare the plane would refuel and pick up the arms - 150 hand grenades, 80 60mm mortar bombs, 100 RPG-7 anti-tank projectiles with 10 launchers, 20 light machine guns, 61 AK-47 assault rifles and 75,000 rounds of ammunition.

From there the plane should have flown straight to Malabo and landed at 2.30am on Monday March 8, with Mann in Harare keeping in touch with Mr du Toit in Malabo on his satellite phone. Once the mercenaries had landed one team was designated to secure the airport. The rest were to be driven into town with guides and vehicles provided by Mr du Toit.

While separate teams set up road blocks to prevent the military leaving their bases and moving into town, another group would capture minister Antonio Javier - Mr du Toit's business partner - who would guide them to the sleeping president. The president and brother Armagol would then be taken to the airport and, "if not killed in this operation", would be flown to Spain.

Meanwhile Mr Moto would have landed at Malabo airport, 30 minutes after the mercenaries. He would "call some supporters he claimed to have within the military and ask them to take control of the security situation". By sunrise the people of Equatorial Guinea would hear on the radio and see on television their new leader.

But the plot, if that is what it was, could not have gone more spectacularly wrong - reinforcing rumours of an intended coup circulating in special forces circles in Pretoria and even openly discussed at an academic meeting about oil, with US and Foreign Office officials present, in London.
 

 

Straw: We did know of Africa coup

Antony Barnett and Martin Bright
Sunday November 14, 2004
The Observer


The British government knew about the alleged plot to overthrow the President of Equatorial Guinea at least five weeks before a group of mercenaries was arrested in March for planning the coup.

In a dramatic admission, the Foreign Secretary, Jack Straw, confirmed that the government had been 'informed' of the alleged coup plot 'in late January 2004'. On 7 March a group of mercenaries, led by an Old Etonian and former SAS officer, Simon Mann, was arrested in Zimbabwe. They were charged with plotting a putsch.

Straw's disclosure is the latest twist in a remarkable tale that has dragged in several high-profile figures. In August, Sir Mark Thatcher, the son of the former British Prime Minister, was arrested in South Africa after being accused of helping to finance the coup to remove President Obiang. He faces criminal charges that he broke the country's anti-mercenary laws. Thatcher denies any knowledge or involvement in the plot.

Straw's admission came in a parliamentary answer last week in the Commons to a question tabled by the Tories' shadow foreign secretary, Michael Ancram.

Until now, cabinet ministers have denied any prior knowledge of the attempted African coup which would be illegal under international law.

In August, The Observer reported accusations that an individual who was intimately involved in the alleged plot against Obiang was claiming British officials had advanced knowledge of the plot. Foreign Office officials dismissed the claims, issuing a categorical denial that Britain had 'prior knowledge of the alleged plot'.

At the time of the March arrests, Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe accused Britain, the US and Spain of plotting a coup in the oil-rich West African state. The suggestion was that the coup was an attempt to gain control over Equatorial Guinea's new-found oil wealth that has turned the small country into Africa's third-biggest oil producer. These allegations have been strongly denied by foreign governments.

Yet the admission by Straw that the government had been informed of the coup plot several weeks in advance has raised questions about the role played by Britain. Senior opposition politicians are demanding to know who informed ministers and what they then did with the information received.

A source close to the government of Equatorial Guinea described Straw's admission as being 'very surprising'.

He said that President Obiang would be seeking an immediate explanation from Straw as to why no warning was passed to the government of Equatorial Guinea, a country with which Britain has full diplomatic relations.

He added: 'This is particularly surprising in view of the fact that a number of British citizens and residents of the UK appear to be central to the conspiracy to overthrow the government of Equatorial Guinea.'

As well as Mann and Mark Thatcher, other British-based individuals linked to the plot include Ely Calil, a Lebanese millionaire oil trader who lived in Chelsea. Calil, who has temporarily moved to Lebanon, denies any involvement in bankrolling the coup, which allegedly aimed to replace Obiang with an exiled politician, Severo Moto.

Senior detectives at Scotland Yard are investigating claims by ministers from Equatorial Guinea that the plot was largely planned and financed in Britain.

Ancram said: 'Jack Straw's reply raises very significant questions which require answers. Who informed the government, exactly when and what did ministers do with this information?'

Ancram has tabled several further parliamentary questions to get to the bottom of this. His concerns were echoed by Menzies Campbell, the Liberal Democrats' foreign affairs spokesman.

He said: 'This reply characteristically raises more questions than it answers. Not only do we need to know what steps did the government take to warn the government of Equatorial Guinea, but what steps they took to ensure that British citizens did not become involved.'

This weekend the Foreign Office refused to explain the background to Straw's answer arguing that it was 'sub judice'. On Tuesday, the trial begins in the Equatorial Guinean capital Malabo of one of the alleged coup leaders, Nick du Toit.

The prospect of a diplomatic row between Britain and Equatorial Guinea could put in jeopardy more than £1 billion of British contracts.

 

Proud Home Site of
The largest Military Webring in the World!

 

 

 

 

Disclaimer:We cannot be responsible for content or representations found on individual web sites, services, search engines, personal statements, e-mail contacts, or content of any material related to the Internet.   This site and service is provided at the USER'S DISCRETION only.  The AV Hub/USA-GUNS/ACTIVE-DUTY copyright 1998-99, The Neely Network - all rights reserved.

Editor/Webmaster  The AV Hub  USA Guns   Talk Straight