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Mark Thatcher arrested over alleged African coup plotBy Chris Marsden
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Zimbabwe 'tortured coup
suspects'
Prosecutors said Equatorial Guinea's Spanish-based opposition
leader, Severo Moto, offered the group $1.8m and oil rights to
overthrow President Teodoro Obiang Nguema. |
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Two South African men released from a Zimbabwe prison after being cleared of charges of plotting a coup say they were stripped and beaten in jail. Harry Carlse and Lourens Horn were among 67 men imprisoned in March for an alleged coup plot in Equatorial Guinea. Zimbabwean authorities said in April they would probe jail torture claims. Equatorial Guinea says it is pursuing those it says were behind the coup attempt - including Mark Thatcher, son of former British PM Margaret Thatcher. The Zimbabwe trial ended on Friday, with former British paratrooper Simon Mann found guilty of trying to buy weapons.
The remainder of the men were cleared of the more serious weapons charges but pleaded guilty to aviation and immigration violations. All those found guilty will be sentenced on 10 September. Mr Carlse and Mr Horn are now back in South Africa, where they say they expect to face new charges under the country's anti-mercenary laws, Reuters news agency reports.
House arrest Equatorial Guinea has meanwhile said it is seeking an international arrest warrant for those it accuses of being the key figures in the coup attempt - including Simon Mann and Mark Thatcher.
But the country's Deputy Prime Minister, Ricardo Mangue Obama Nfube, denied it had asked for the extradition of Sir Mark from South Africa. Mark Thatcher is currently under house arrest in South Africa after being accused of helping to finance the coup plot. A lawyer acting for Equatorial Guinea's government had earlier said a request had been made for his extradition. Shock threat The South African coup suspects have alleged they were tortured by their captors in Zimbabwe, along with their co-accused. "I was stripped naked and beaten with a stick," said Mr Carlse. "I slept in leg irons for a week and a half." He said he had lost a large amount of weight because of conditions inside the prison, where malnutrition and disease were rife. The men said they were frequently denied adequate food and water and survived on a diet of porridge and cabbage. "There was physical torture as well as mental torture," said Mr Horn. "They said if we refused to make a statement they would give us electric shocks." |
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Thatcher and a very
African coup Mercenaries' dreams of riches fell apart at Harare airport. Then links to British Establishment figures emerged Jamie Wilson, David Pallister and Paul Lashmar Thursday August 26, 2004 The Guardian Languishing in solitary confinement in Zimbabwe's maximum security Chikurubi prison in March, Simon Mann was getting desperate. The Old Etonian and former SAS officer had been arrested at Harare airport two weeks earlier along with a plane load of mercenaries after landing to pick up a consignment of AK-47 rifles, mortar bombs and 75,000 rounds of ammunition. The men on board the Boeing 727-100 had allegedly been on their way to mount a coup in Equatorial Guinea, a small, malarial country in west Africa ruled by a tyrant but newly and filthily rich in offshore oil. Instead of a coup amid untold riches, Mann found himself staring down the barrel of a long prison sentence - or even execution if an extradition request from Equatorial Guinea was successful. So he penned a letter on scraps of paper to his wife and lawyers, demanding that they get people on the outside to exert both their money and influence to get him released. But by writing the letter - a copy of which has been seen by the Guardian - he linked what had at first seemed to be little more than a doomed Boy's Own adventure in a forgotten corner of west Africa to a coterie of rightwing businessmen with links to the highest echelons of the British establishment. Scrawled over two plain pages and a scrap of magazine, Mann's letter referred to a contact called "Scratcher" - Mann's nickname for Sir Mark Thatcher, son of the former Tory prime minister and perennially controversial businessman. When the note was intercepted by the South African intelligence services on its way out of the prison, a train of events was set in motion that led yesterday to the raid on Sir Mark's Cape Town home. "Our situation is not good and it is very URGENT," Mann wrote. "They [the lawyers] get no reply from Smelly and Scratcher [who] asked them to ring back after the Grand Prix race was over! This is not going well." But Mann then went on to suggest that Scratcher's involvement amounted to more than using his contacts to lobby for their release. "It may be that getting us out comes down to a large splodge of wonga! Of course investors did not think this would happen. Did I?" he wrote. "Do they think they can be part of something like this with only upside potential - no hardship or risk of this going wrong. Anyone and everyone in this is in it - good times or bad. Now its bad times and everyone has to F-ing well pull their full weight." He left what would appear to be the most incriminating detail to last: "Anyway [another contact] was expecting project funds inwards to Logo [Mann's firm] from Scratcher (200) ... If there is not enough, then present investors must come up with more." While the letter certainly suggests Mann was expecting Sir Mark to make a $200,000 (£111,000) investment, he does not specify whether it was for the coup. The letter also refers to David Hart, the former Old Etonian millionaire adviser to Lady Thatcher during the miners' strike. "We need heavy influence of the sort that ... Smelly, Scratcher ... David Hart and it needs to be used heavily and now," Mann wrote. Even the disgraced Tory peer, Lord Archer, has been dragged into the controversy after $134,000 (£74,000) was deposited into Mann's bank account in the name of JH Archer four days before the coup attempt. Lord Archer categorically denied any involvement in the coup. Ever since the coup plot was alleged at Harare airport on March 7, there have been murmurings about Sir Mark's involvement. He and Mann were close friends who regularly had dinner together, and both owned substantial properties in Constantia, the secluded suburb of Cape Town popular with rich expat Britons. Mann is a complex character, part buccaneering thrill seeker, part businessman, who left the SAS to make a living fighting wars in Africa. It is easy to see how Sir Mark - whose demeanour would suggest he would like to be viewed as something of an adventurer himself - might be attracted to the former SAS officer. "Nobody is denying they are close friends - and they have been friends for a long time," Sir Tim Bell, Lady Thatcher's former PR adviser and now informally advising her son, said yesterday. "I have not spoken to him at all at any point since this started about six months ago. He has studiously avoided discussing the issue." Greg Wales, another man with alleged links to the coup plot and a long-standing friend and former business partner of Mann's, told the Guardian yesterday: "Simon and Mark did a number of business deals together - in mining, and aircraft and fuel brokerage. The police would have found a lot of stuff on these matters." But it remains unclear what - if any - evidence the South Africans have to tie Sir Mark directly to the coup, beyond Mann's letter. There have been rumours that he may have made an investment in Mann's Logo Ltd company through a South African company called Triple A Aviation, which in January signed a contract with Mann's Logo company to provide aircraft and aviation services. According to his lawyer yesterday, Sir Mark was arrested on suspicion of providing financing for a helicopter linked to the coup plot. Banking records show the company, which trades as Air Ambulance Africa from the town of Bethlehem in the Free State, paid $100,000 (£55,000) into Logo's account on March 2, less than a week before the coup attempt was launched. The head of Air Ambulance, Crause Steyl, did not return calls yesterday. His brother Niel, a former pilot for the infamous South African mercenary outfit Executive Outcomes in the 1990s in which Mann was also involved, was the pilot of the ill-fated Boeing that landed at Harare. According to well-placed South African sources, Triple A provided a twin-engined King Air turboprop which flew the exiled Equatorian Guinea opposition leader, Severo Moto, from Spain to Bamako in Mali on the eve of the alleged coup attempt, in preparation for his triumphant return to power. Friends of Sir Mark in South Africa, however, claim that he had entered into a completely separate contract with Triple A to provide an air ambulance helicopter for work in Equatorial Guinea. "I don't think he knew what he was getting into," one told the Guardian. The genesis of the alleged coup plot, according to Mann's own witness statement, began in January 2003 when he was introduced to Eli Calil, a Chelsea-based businessman, in London - a friend and financier of Mr Moto, leader of the Party for Progress of Equatorial Guinea and president of the Guinean government in exile in Madrid. Mr Calil has denied any knowledge or involvement in the coup and his lawyers have suggested that the written and verbal confessions of Mann and his alleged co-conspirator South African arms dealer Nick du Toit, currently in trial in Malabo, were extracted through torture. But Mann wrote in his signed statement after his arrest. "Ely Calil asked me if I would like to meet Severo Moto... I met Severo Moto in Madrid. He is clearly a good and honest man. He had studied for the priesthood ... At this stage they asked me if I could help escort Severo Moto home at a given moment while simultaneously there would an uprising of both military and civilians against Obiang ... I agreed to try and help the cause." Preparations for the coup - money, men, logistics and a suitable plane - were soon set in motion by Mann through two companies based in Guernsey, Logo Ltd and Systems Design Limited. Mann himself sold some of his shares and put in $400,000 to cover the cost of a specially converted Boeing 727 which was bought a week before the coup attempt from a firm in Kansas. Guardian inquiries have established that the aircraft had been converted for US military use so that it could take off and land on shorter runways. It also had a pressurised cargo hold which could be accessed during flight. The final stages were completed in February. Using his military and arms dealing contacts, Mr du Toit helped to recruit the mercenaries - apartheid-era soldiers in South Africa - and to introduce Mann to the head of the Zimbabwean Defence Industry in Harare for the weapons. The broad plan, according to Mr du Toit's account, was for the plane to pick up the 64 mercenaries at Wonderboom airport near Pretoria and then fly on to Pietersburg international airport to clear customs for Harare. In Harare the plane would refuel and pick up the arms - 150 hand grenades, 80 60mm mortar bombs, 100 RPG-7 anti-tank projectiles with 10 launchers, 20 light machine guns, 61 AK-47 assault rifles and 75,000 rounds of ammunition. From there the plane should have flown straight to Malabo and landed at 2.30am on Monday March 8, with Mann in Harare keeping in touch with Mr du Toit in Malabo on his satellite phone. Once the mercenaries had landed one team was designated to secure the airport. The rest were to be driven into town with guides and vehicles provided by Mr du Toit. While separate teams set up road blocks to prevent the military leaving their bases and moving into town, another group would capture minister Antonio Javier - Mr du Toit's business partner - who would guide them to the sleeping president. The president and brother Armagol would then be taken to the airport and, "if not killed in this operation", would be flown to Spain. Meanwhile Mr Moto would have landed at Malabo airport, 30 minutes after the mercenaries. He would "call some supporters he claimed to have within the military and ask them to take control of the security situation". By sunrise the people of Equatorial Guinea would hear on the radio and see on television their new leader. But the plot, if
that is what it was, could not have gone more spectacularly wrong -
reinforcing rumours of an intended coup circulating in special forces
circles in Pretoria and even openly discussed at an academic meeting
about oil, with US and Foreign Office officials present, in London.
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Straw: We did know of
Africa coup Antony Barnett and Martin Bright Sunday November 14, 2004 The Observer The British government knew about the alleged plot to overthrow the President of Equatorial Guinea at least five weeks before a group of mercenaries was arrested in March for planning the coup. In a dramatic admission, the Foreign Secretary, Jack Straw, confirmed that the government had been 'informed' of the alleged coup plot 'in late January 2004'. On 7 March a group of mercenaries, led by an Old Etonian and former SAS officer, Simon Mann, was arrested in Zimbabwe. They were charged with plotting a putsch. Straw's disclosure is the latest twist in a remarkable tale that has dragged in several high-profile figures. In August, Sir Mark Thatcher, the son of the former British Prime Minister, was arrested in South Africa after being accused of helping to finance the coup to remove President Obiang. He faces criminal charges that he broke the country's anti-mercenary laws. Thatcher denies any knowledge or involvement in the plot. Straw's admission came in a parliamentary answer last week in the Commons to a question tabled by the Tories' shadow foreign secretary, Michael Ancram. Until now, cabinet ministers have denied any prior knowledge of the attempted African coup which would be illegal under international law. In August, The Observer reported accusations that an individual who was intimately involved in the alleged plot against Obiang was claiming British officials had advanced knowledge of the plot. Foreign Office officials dismissed the claims, issuing a categorical denial that Britain had 'prior knowledge of the alleged plot'. At the time of the March arrests, Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe accused Britain, the US and Spain of plotting a coup in the oil-rich West African state. The suggestion was that the coup was an attempt to gain control over Equatorial Guinea's new-found oil wealth that has turned the small country into Africa's third-biggest oil producer. These allegations have been strongly denied by foreign governments. Yet the admission by Straw that the government had been informed of the coup plot several weeks in advance has raised questions about the role played by Britain. Senior opposition politicians are demanding to know who informed ministers and what they then did with the information received. A source close to the government of Equatorial Guinea described Straw's admission as being 'very surprising'. He said that President Obiang would be seeking an immediate explanation from Straw as to why no warning was passed to the government of Equatorial Guinea, a country with which Britain has full diplomatic relations. He added: 'This is particularly surprising in view of the fact that a number of British citizens and residents of the UK appear to be central to the conspiracy to overthrow the government of Equatorial Guinea.' As well as Mann and Mark Thatcher, other British-based individuals linked to the plot include Ely Calil, a Lebanese millionaire oil trader who lived in Chelsea. Calil, who has temporarily moved to Lebanon, denies any involvement in bankrolling the coup, which allegedly aimed to replace Obiang with an exiled politician, Severo Moto. Senior detectives at Scotland Yard are investigating claims by ministers from Equatorial Guinea that the plot was largely planned and financed in Britain. Ancram said: 'Jack Straw's reply raises very significant questions which require answers. Who informed the government, exactly when and what did ministers do with this information?' Ancram has tabled several further parliamentary questions to get to the bottom of this. His concerns were echoed by Menzies Campbell, the Liberal Democrats' foreign affairs spokesman. He said: 'This reply characteristically raises more questions than it answers. Not only do we need to know what steps did the government take to warn the government of Equatorial Guinea, but what steps they took to ensure that British citizens did not become involved.' This weekend the Foreign Office refused to explain the background to Straw's answer arguing that it was 'sub judice'. On Tuesday, the trial begins in the Equatorial Guinean capital Malabo of one of the alleged coup leaders, Nick du Toit. The prospect of a
diplomatic row between Britain and Equatorial Guinea could put in
jeopardy more than £1 billion of British contracts.
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