President Putin cleaning house
The theory: With
presidential elections due in 2008, the Kremlin is
eliminating any obstacles to a smooth transfer of power to
Putin's chosen successor.
The case for: As a
former FSB agent and author of a book accusing the agency of
blowing up apartment buildings in Russia, killing 300
people, in 1999. The attacks were blamed on Chechen
terrorists, provoking the second Chechen war, which
propelled Putin into the presidency. Litvinenko knew secrets
that would have discredited the Kremlin at a critical moment
in the elections.
The case against: Any
secrets that were held by Litvinenko would be at least a
decade old by the time of the elections, and his most
incendiary allegation has already been published to little
effect. The Russian public generally views Litvinenko as a
traitor — that is, if they have heard of him at all — and
are therefore ill-disposed to believe him.
The hand of Berezovsky
The theory: The
exiled oligarch is locked in mortal combat with Vladimir
Putin and will stop at nothing destroy the President's
reputation in the West.
The case for:
Berezovksy initially backed Putin's rise to power but the
former KGB boss ruthlessly dismantled his business empire in
Russia in return. Forced to flee abroad, Berezovsky plots
revenge. Komsomolskaya Pravda, the largest-selling Moscow
daily, said that Berezovsky had most to gain by the deaths
of his colleagues. The journalist Anna Politkovskaya was
killed just before Putin's official visit to Germany and now
Litvinenko has died on the eve of the EU-Russia summit.
The case against:
Berezovsky has been vocal in accusing the Kremlin of
poisoning Litvinenko, but it is a big stretch to believe
that he would stoop to ordering assassinations in Britain —
even by the Machiavellian standards of contemporary Russian
politics. Besides, he would not risk his status as a
political refugee, the only thing preventing his extradition
to Russia and certain jail.
The Chechen connection
The theory:
Litvinenko became a victim of a struggle for control of
Chechnya because of his links in London with the exiled
rebel Akhmed Zakayev
The case for:
Prominent critics of Ramzan Kadyrov, Chechnya's Prime
Minister and aspiring President, have been killed in recent
weeks, including Politkovskaya and Movladi Baisarov, head of
a Chechen commando group. Baisarov, who had fallen out with
Kadyrov, was gunned down in Moscow on Saturday. Kadyrov is
backed by Putin and Litvinenko's alliance with Zakayev made
him vulnerable.
The case against:
Litvinenko posed no direct threat to Kadyrov's regime and
his key criticisms were directed against the war launched by
Putin. He had accused Putin of responsibility for killing
Politkovskaya, but so had others. While Chechnya remains a
potential Achilles' heel for the Kremlin, Litvinenko's
influence from London was minimal.
Rogue Russian operation
The theory:
Litvinenko’s former colleagues in the Federal Security
Services (FSB) wanted to avenge his betrayal of the service.
Acting on their own — but in the belief that they were
helping the Russian President — they arranged the
assassination using a special poison developed in a top
secret laboratory.
The case for:
Litvinenko was hated by the FSB for exposing an alleged plot
to kill Berezovsky and for accusing their agents of blowing
up apartment blocks in Moscow in 1999 and then blaming it on
Chechen terrorists. They have expertise in special
operations and were authorised by parliament this year to
eliminate enemies of the state abroad.
The case against: The
Russian security services are tightly under Putin’s control.
Assassinating a British citizen in London would be a
momentous decision. Officers serving in the Russian armed
forces have a strong tradition of not taking initiatives
without approval from their superiors.
Natural causes or suicide
The theory: Obviously
now a redundant theory, but while doctors were unable to
explain the cause of Litvinenko’s illness — with thallium or
a poison cocktail lines of inquiry — there were suggestions
that he might have poisoned himself, been exposed to
radiation or killed by a dose of chemotherapy.
The case for: It took
doctors weeks to grasp the severity of his condition. Even
though traces of a radioactive substance were found in his
urine, at his home and in several places he had visited,
there is still no indication of how it entered his body.
The case against:
Quite apart from the discovery of polonium-210, it is almost
unheard of that a perfectly fit man falls ill and dies three
weeks later of a natural disease or a toxic compound that
doctors and scientists cannot identify